22 research outputs found

    A Guide to Measuring Advocacy and Policy

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    The overall purpose of this guide is twofold. To help grantmakers think about and talk about measurement of advocacy and policy, this guide puts forth a framework for naming outcomes associated with advocacy and policy work as well as directions for evaluation design. The framework is intended to provide a common way to identify and talk about outcomes, providing philanthropic and non-profit audiences an opportunity to react to, refine and adopt the outcome categories presented. In addition, grantmakers can consider some key directions for evaluation design that include a broad range of methodologies, intensities, audiences, timeframes and purposes. Included in the guide are a tool to measure improved policies, a tool to measure a strengthened base of public support, and a survey to measure community members' perceptions about the prioritization of issues

    A Handbook of Data Collection Tools: Companion to "A Guide to Measuring Advocacy and Policy"

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    This handbook of data collection tools is intended to serve as a companion to A Guide to Measuring Advocacy and Policy. Organizational Research Services (ORS) developed this guide on behalf of the Annie E. Casey Foundation to support efforts to develop and implement an evaluation of advocacy and policy work. The companion handbook is dedicated to providing examples of practical tools and processes for collecting useful information from policy and advocacy efforts. Included within this handbook are a legislative process tracking log, a meeting observation checklist, a policy brief stakeholder survey, a policy tracking analysis tool, and a policy tracking form.This best practice provides an approach to measure advocacy and policy change efforts, starting with a theory of change, identifying outcome categories, and selecting practical approaches to measurement

    Beyond the Win: Pathways for Policy Implementation

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    When it comes to policy, a lot of attention is given to "the win." Whether it is something new and big like the Affordable Care Act, a piece of legislation in a large federal omnibus bill, or inclusion of critical language in a state policy, seeing the fruits of advocacy efforts put into law makes advocates and champions feel that their hard work, often many years in the making, has paid off.However, in reality, "the win" is just the beginning -- a necessary first step in a much longer and equally as fraught process of policy implementation. Once a policy is created, there are numerous factors that shape and determine how that policy is implemented -- and ultimately, the impact it will have -- regardless of how well the policy is formulated. Some of these factors include rulemaking, funding, capacity of local implementing agencies, and fights to repeal or modify wins, among many others.And, just as in the case of "the win," advocacy plays an important role in shaping implementation whether in advocating across these factors or participating in ongoing monitoring over time. Interestingly, while the role of advocacy in agenda setting, policy formulation, and policy adoption has been widely explored in theory and practice, the role of advocacy in the policy implementation process has received less attention in the literature.To learn more about the role of advocacy at the policy implementation stage, ORS Impact spoke with organizations that engage in, or provide funding for, advocacy efforts at the state and/or federal level. We focused on the following questions:When had advocates played a positive role in policy implementation?When had implementation not gone as well as expected, and what did advocates take away from that?Our conversations yielded important learnings about the unique characteristics of, and range of approaches to, advocacy efforts during the implementation phase. The two following scenarios illustrate some of the different types and levels of advocacy intervention, as well as the results they produce, to demonstrate the ways advocacy can play out when shifting from policymaking to implementation

    Lost Causal: Debunking Myths About Causal Analysis in Philanthropy

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    What if philanthropic evaluations told us that changes in the world had occurred, as well as how and why they occurred, including in what ways foundation funding and grantees contributed to those changes? What if evaluations made change pathways more visible, tested hypotheses and assumptions, and generated new insights based on what happened in the “black box” of systems change strategies? This type of learning comes from causal analysis — inquiry that explores cause-andeffect relationships. Yet currently in philanthropy, particularly for strategies and initiatives that feature high complexity, few evaluations use robust techniques for understanding causality. Instead, philanthropic evaluation tends to rely on descriptive measurement and analysis. These descriptions often are rich, meaningful, and in-depth, but they remain merely descriptions nonetheless. This article challenges the myths that hold us back from causal inquiry, allowing us to embrace curiosity, inquiry, and better knowing, even (or especially) if it means learning that our assumptions and theories do not hold up. We argue that philanthropy more frequently needs to examine causal relationships, using a growing suite of methodological approaches that make this possible in complex systems. Causal methodologies can challenge and strengthen the often uncontested beliefs that underlie philanthropic interventions, while offering evidence about enabling contexts and system drivers. Strong causal analysis considers not only the funder’s model and assumptions, but also the beliefs others hold about how and why change occurs, opening the door to more equitable and less biased ways of understanding change

    Good Intentions Are Not Enough: Making Evaluations More Useful for Foundation Strategy and Practice

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    In 2019, the Evaluation Roundtable for the first time broke with historic practice and invited evaluation consultants to join a gathering that had previously been exclusive to foundation evaluation staff. As part of the meeting, the facilitators asked all participants to write down what they most wished the other would do differently. The number one request of foundation evaluation staff? Ask harder questions. The number one request by external evaluators? Let us ask harder questions.If we both want the same things (harder questions addressed) for the same reason (equitable progress toward the ambitious, inspirational missions that foundations aspire to), why aren't we doing better?Clearly, good intentions are not good enough.This paper presents six cross-cutting areas for focus and change along with specific actions that can be taken by external evaluators and foundation evaluation staff to help accelerate the meaningful use of evaluation for foundation strategy and practice

    Polyethyleneimine-mediated transfection of cultured postmitotic neurons from rat sympathetic ganglia and adult human retina

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    BACKGROUND: Chemical methods of transfection that have proven successful with cell lines often do not work with primary cultures of neurons. Recent data, however, suggest that linear polymers of the cation polyethyleneimine (PEI) can facilitate the uptake of nucleic acids by neurons. Consequently, we examined the ability of a commercial PEI preparation to allow the introduction of foreign genes into postmitotic mammalian neurons. Sympathetic neurons were obtained from perinatal rat pups and maintained for 5 days in vitro in the absence of nonneuronal cells. Cultures were then transfected with varying amounts of a plasmid encoding either E. coli ÎČ-galactosidase or enhanced green fluorescence protein (EGFP) using PEI. RESULTS: Optimal transfection efficiency was observed with 1 ÎŒg/ml of plasmid DNA and 5 ÎŒg/ml PEI. Expression of ÎČ-galactosidase was both rapid and stable, beginning within 6 hours and lasting for at least 21 days. A maximum yield was obtained within 72 hours with ∌ 9% of the neurons expressing ÎČ-galactosidase, as assessed by both histochemistry and antibody staining. Cotransfection of two plasmids encoding reporter genes was achieved. Postmitotic neurons from adult human retinal cultures also demonstrated an ability to take up and express foreign DNA using PEI as a vector. CONCLUSIONS: These data suggest that PEI is a useful agent for the stable expression of plasmid-encoded genes in neuronal cultures

    MEL Practice at the David and Lucile Packard Foundation: Evaluation in Support of Moving from Good to Great

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    In early 2017, ORS Impact evaluated and re-examined the David and Lucile Packard Foundation monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) principles and practice. The purpose of this evaluation was to discover what works well, identify areas for improvement, and stimulate reflection and experimentation. While this report uncovered many examples of strong MEL practice across the Foundation it also highlighted opportunities for improvement. Research findings fed into Foundation decisions to update both internal and external MEL processes and requirements, including refinement of the Foundation's Guiding Principles for MEL.A key audience of this report include readers wrestling with how to best support MEL in philanthropic settings so that it can support greater learning and impact, such as MEL staff working inside foundations and external evaluators working with foundations

    Les intĂ©rĂȘts notionnels

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    « Un systĂšme fiscal idĂ©al serait aussi neutre que possible Ă  l’égard des dĂ©cisions privĂ©es. », selon le TrĂ©sor amĂ©ricain . Aux États-Unis, comme dans tous les pays occidentaux oĂč une politique de libre-Ă©change est appliquĂ©e, on cherche Ă  minimiser le rĂŽle de l’Etat dans une Ă©conomie de marchĂ©. La fiscalitĂ© est une interfĂ©rence de l’Etat qui peut avoir Ă  la fois des consĂ©quences positives comme nĂ©gatives sur les choix des acteurs Ă©conomiques, notamment en matiĂšre d’investissement des entreprises. En effet, une entreprise a le choix d’investir de deux maniĂšres : l’emprunt ou par ses fonds propres. Dans une situation oĂč l’entreprise dispose d’un choix entre les deux modes de financement, celle-ci sera davantage tentĂ©e de recourir Ă  un emprunt plutĂŽt que d’engager ses fonds propres puisque le rĂ©gime fiscal appliquĂ© selon l’option du mode de financement choisi n’est pas le mĂȘme. L’emprunt gĂ©nĂšre des intĂ©rĂȘts dĂ©ductibles dans la limite de la directive ATAD 1, tandis que l’apport en capital gĂ©nĂšre des dividendes taxables . Cette distorsion fiscale constatĂ©e entre les modes de financement pourrait avoir des consĂ©quences sur l’investissement et l’économie en gĂ©nĂ©ral. En effet, on pourrait craindre une fragilitĂ© des structures financiĂšres des entreprises qui reposeraient en grande partie sur l’emprunt, mais aussi des recettes fiscales drastiquement rĂ©duites en raison de la dĂ©ductibilitĂ© des charges financiĂšres.Or, dans un contexte oĂč les banques centrales cherchent Ă  recapitaliser les entreprises pour Ă©viter une nouvelle crise financiĂšre, telle que celle de 2008, il semblerait nĂ©cessaire de corriger le biais en faveur de l’emprunt. D’autant plus que, dans le contexte inflationniste que nous connaissons, les taux d’intĂ©rĂȘt ont commencĂ© Ă  remonter et il semblerait donc que les entreprises soient, malgrĂ© elles, contraintes de revoir leur mode de financement. Il convient ainsi de s’interroger sur la maniĂšre de rĂ©tablir l’équilibre du traitement fiscal entre la dette et le capital. La solution avancĂ©e par la Commission europĂ©enne, dans sa proposition de directive Debra, serait d’assimiler le rĂ©gime fiscal de la dette Ă  celui du capital en instaurant le rĂ©gime des intĂ©rĂȘts notionnels. Cela consisterait Ă  accorder un avantage fiscal aux fonds propres en leur appliquant un abattement appelĂ© « intĂ©rĂȘts notionnels », que l'on dĂ©duirait de la mĂȘme maniĂšre que les intĂ©rĂȘts d’emprunt. Mais dans le cas des capitaux propres, comme il s’agirait d’intĂ©rĂȘts « fictifs », ils sont appelĂ©s intĂ©rĂȘts « notionnels ». Ce rĂ©gime n’est pas nouveau. Il existe dĂ©jĂ  dans de nombreux pays europĂ©ens tels que la Belgique, l’Italie, la Pologne, le Portugal, Chypre et Malte et a Ă©tĂ© retirĂ© dans d’autres comme par exemple en Autriche, et mĂȘme si le rĂ©gime perdure en Belgique, il a Ă©galement Ă©tĂ© question de le supprimer en raison de ses faibles rĂ©sultats en matiĂšre d’investissement et de son coĂ»t budgĂ©taire trĂšs important. NĂ©anmoins, le bilan n’est pas nĂ©gatif pour tous les pays et a rĂ©ussi Ă  tenir ses promesses en Italie. Ce sont les bons rĂ©sultats italiens que vise la Commission europĂ©enne qui prend le pari que les intĂ©rĂȘts notionnels permettront d'atteindre la neutralitĂ© fiscale, grĂące Ă  un coĂ»t du capital plus faible, ce qui stimulerait notre Ă©conomie, l’emploi et l’investissement et donc des recettes fiscales Ă  venir. Et pour cela, elle souhaite instaurer plusieurs garde-fous pour Ă©viter tout dĂ©tournement de la mesure

    Les intĂ©rĂȘts notionnels

    No full text
    « Un systĂšme fiscal idĂ©al serait aussi neutre que possible Ă  l’égard des dĂ©cisions privĂ©es. », selon le TrĂ©sor amĂ©ricain . Aux États-Unis, comme dans tous les pays occidentaux oĂč une politique de libre-Ă©change est appliquĂ©e, on cherche Ă  minimiser le rĂŽle de l’Etat dans une Ă©conomie de marchĂ©. La fiscalitĂ© est une interfĂ©rence de l’Etat qui peut avoir Ă  la fois des consĂ©quences positives comme nĂ©gatives sur les choix des acteurs Ă©conomiques, notamment en matiĂšre d’investissement des entreprises. En effet, une entreprise a le choix d’investir de deux maniĂšres : l’emprunt ou par ses fonds propres. Dans une situation oĂč l’entreprise dispose d’un choix entre les deux modes de financement, celle-ci sera davantage tentĂ©e de recourir Ă  un emprunt plutĂŽt que d’engager ses fonds propres puisque le rĂ©gime fiscal appliquĂ© selon l’option du mode de financement choisi n’est pas le mĂȘme. L’emprunt gĂ©nĂšre des intĂ©rĂȘts dĂ©ductibles dans la limite de la directive ATAD 1, tandis que l’apport en capital gĂ©nĂšre des dividendes taxables . Cette distorsion fiscale constatĂ©e entre les modes de financement pourrait avoir des consĂ©quences sur l’investissement et l’économie en gĂ©nĂ©ral. En effet, on pourrait craindre une fragilitĂ© des structures financiĂšres des entreprises qui reposeraient en grande partie sur l’emprunt, mais aussi des recettes fiscales drastiquement rĂ©duites en raison de la dĂ©ductibilitĂ© des charges financiĂšres.Or, dans un contexte oĂč les banques centrales cherchent Ă  recapitaliser les entreprises pour Ă©viter une nouvelle crise financiĂšre, telle que celle de 2008, il semblerait nĂ©cessaire de corriger le biais en faveur de l’emprunt. D’autant plus que, dans le contexte inflationniste que nous connaissons, les taux d’intĂ©rĂȘt ont commencĂ© Ă  remonter et il semblerait donc que les entreprises soient, malgrĂ© elles, contraintes de revoir leur mode de financement. Il convient ainsi de s’interroger sur la maniĂšre de rĂ©tablir l’équilibre du traitement fiscal entre la dette et le capital. La solution avancĂ©e par la Commission europĂ©enne, dans sa proposition de directive Debra, serait d’assimiler le rĂ©gime fiscal de la dette Ă  celui du capital en instaurant le rĂ©gime des intĂ©rĂȘts notionnels. Cela consisterait Ă  accorder un avantage fiscal aux fonds propres en leur appliquant un abattement appelĂ© « intĂ©rĂȘts notionnels », que l'on dĂ©duirait de la mĂȘme maniĂšre que les intĂ©rĂȘts d’emprunt. Mais dans le cas des capitaux propres, comme il s’agirait d’intĂ©rĂȘts « fictifs », ils sont appelĂ©s intĂ©rĂȘts « notionnels ». Ce rĂ©gime n’est pas nouveau. Il existe dĂ©jĂ  dans de nombreux pays europĂ©ens tels que la Belgique, l’Italie, la Pologne, le Portugal, Chypre et Malte et a Ă©tĂ© retirĂ© dans d’autres comme par exemple en Autriche, et mĂȘme si le rĂ©gime perdure en Belgique, il a Ă©galement Ă©tĂ© question de le supprimer en raison de ses faibles rĂ©sultats en matiĂšre d’investissement et de son coĂ»t budgĂ©taire trĂšs important. NĂ©anmoins, le bilan n’est pas nĂ©gatif pour tous les pays et a rĂ©ussi Ă  tenir ses promesses en Italie. Ce sont les bons rĂ©sultats italiens que vise la Commission europĂ©enne qui prend le pari que les intĂ©rĂȘts notionnels permettront d'atteindre la neutralitĂ© fiscale, grĂące Ă  un coĂ»t du capital plus faible, ce qui stimulerait notre Ă©conomie, l’emploi et l’investissement et donc des recettes fiscales Ă  venir. Et pour cela, elle souhaite instaurer plusieurs garde-fous pour Ă©viter tout dĂ©tournement de la mesure

    LE RÉGIME HOLLANDAIS DES GROEPS RENTEBOX

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    Emprunter permet de se constituer un capital. Mais pour emprunter, il est aussi nĂ©cessaire de disposer de capitaux suffisants. L'emprunt sert autant donc le capital que le capital sert l'emprunt. On pourrait ainsi dire que l'emprunt et le capital s'autorĂ©gulent Ă©tant donnĂ© que chacun de ces modes de financement a besoin de l'autre pour exister. Il s'agirait des deux versants d'un mĂȘme miroir mais dont la fiscalitĂ© dĂ©pendrait du cĂŽtĂ© derriĂšre lequel on se trouve. En effet, l'emprunt gĂ©nĂšre des intĂ©rĂȘts dĂ©ductibles dans la limite de la directive ATAD 1, tandis que l'apport en capital gĂ©nĂšre des dividendes taxables. Cette distorsion fiscale constatĂ©e entre les modes de financement pourrait avoir des consĂ©quences sur l'investissement et l'Ă©conomie en gĂ©nĂ©ral. En effet, on pourrait craindre une fragilitĂ© des structures financiĂšres des entreprises qui reposeraient en grande partie sur l'emprunt, mais aussi des recettes fiscales drastiquement rĂ©duites en raison de la dĂ©ductibilitĂ© des charges financiĂšres. L'incohĂ©rence d'une fiscalitĂ© asymĂ©trique pour une symĂ©trie conceptuelle des sources de revenus, amĂšne certains États Ă  mettre en place des mĂ©canismes d'interdĂ©pendance des modes de financement, comme aux Pays-Bas, avec le modĂšle des « Groeps rentebox », afin de rĂ©tablir l'Ă©quilibre du traitement fiscal entre la dette et le capital. Le rĂ©gime Groeps rentebox permet de combiner Ă  la fois la limitation de la dĂ©ductibilitĂ© des intĂ©rĂȘts d'emprunt, tout en limitant l'imposition du capital entre sociĂ©tĂ©s liĂ©es. Mais limiter l'avantage fiscal Ă  seulement une certaine catĂ©gorie d'entreprises ne risquerait-il pas d'ĂȘtre contraire au principe de non-discrimination du droit europĂ©en et de s'apparenter Ă  une aide d'Etat
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